The original is at the Houghton Library of Harvard University. From the Blagden Collection of Wendell Phillips Papers: 10 letters from M. Pinner to Wendell Phillips, 1860-1873, bMS Am 1953 (1006) [item 3].
Transcribed and placed on the web: Nov., 2003.
By kind permission of the Houghton Library of Harvard University.
New York September 2, 1860.
Wendell Phillips, Esqr
Boston.
My dear Sir. For almost three months have I been owing you an answer to your last favor dated June 5th, and I would cheerfully acknowledge my shortcomings, did I intend to do better hereafter, but I am at least in this one respect like you. I hate letter writing. And what man of ordinary common sense does not? The tongue is already slow enough for the conveyance of thought, and to use the hand as a messenger thereof is absolutely a chore. How I long to see the dreams of my childhood realized, how joyously I would greet the invention of "a machine for copying thought". That thoughts do leave a vivid impression upon some parts of the brain, memory clearly proves, and all that we apparently want is a knowledge of that process, and a machine to imitate and facilitate the actions of nature, what a blessing this would be? But the thing can not be "did" as yet, and all we can do to keep up communication with those with whom we sympathies is to avail ourselves once awhile of those slow coaches [????] "pen and ink" and to let our friends know that we miss their presence.
This long introduction will probably serve as a short apology for my not writing any sooner, and I shall now venture to briefly reply to your short but terse and pleasant letter. Your sayings and doings on and against Mr. Seward were correct, but nevertheless, my human (revengeful?) spirit would have let me prefer his nomination to that of Mr. Lincoln. His (S's) nomination and election would have kept up a lively agitation of slavery during the campaign, would have driven all our northern Doughfaces into the pro-slavery ranks and the free eaters of the South into acts of desperation, and the triumph of the Republican party would really have been the death-blow to slavery, since Repub. Congress could and would have passed safely all and every anti-slavery measures that we could possibly wish for. However I am also satisfied as it is. The defeat of Mr. S. is a well deserved rebuke of the compromises politicians use. Mr. [???] went out of the Cabinet. I am satisfied with Mr. Lincoln, I hold that out of Republ. ranks no better man could have been selected. He is opposed to slavery in the abstract, is free in the expression of his sentiments on all subjects, is honest and therefore reliable. Under his regime their [???] come yet, but a number of practical anti-slavery measures, such as the repeal of the fugitive slave law, the Homestead bill, the modified tariff bill, the change in the Supreme Court, the delivery of Northern prints through Southern post offices, the lasting opposition to the admission of new slave states etc. etc. will be carried out and further the cause of progress. The republ. party is pledged to these measures, let us give them a fair trial. My hopes are not very high, but I expect some good from the success of the republ. party, and therefore do not want to shoulder the responsibility of losing even that little that might be realized. The republ. party (not the republ. leaders as a class) has my warmest sympathy, and although I have no sympathy to offer, I wish it a God-speed [?].
I have followed your advice, I have read Mr. Lincoln's bill for abolishing slavery in the district of Columbia and all the proceedings of the day on which that bill was offered. What of that bill? I hear you ask. Well, Sir, that bill was and is a very queer compound of honest intentions, folly and shortsightedness. He (Mr. L.) meant to do well and committed a blunder, what other man has not done a similar thing at least once in his lifetime. It is almost 12 years ago, since that bill was to serve as a peace-offering, the anti-slavery cause was then comparatively in its infancy, and Mr. Lincoln, who had spent his life up to then in Ky and Egypt, was then, as he is now an honest anti-slavery man, but was altogether mistaken as to the line of policy to be pursued in the abolition of crime. His desire to do justice to all parties dictated his bill, but his notions as to what constitutes justice in this case, have, as we all know, undergone a vast change for the better within these 12 years. In '58 I was somewhat opposed to the non-extension policy of Mr. Lincoln. I disliked his lowering the republ. platform of '56, for which from my knowledge of Illinois politics, I saw no necessity, but when at the Cooper Institute some 8 Months ago, Mr. Lincoln vindicated the anti-slavery principles and practices of the founders of this government, I could not help forgiving him his past shortcomings, and to consider him henceforth one of the true champions of liberty. I have confidence in his manliness, and do believe, that political wire-pullers will not control him sufficiently, to prevent his administering the affairs of government in a truly progressive spirit.
However, let us elect him first and be sure to watch him next, eternally vigilance etc. etc. My own chances under Mr. Lincoln are not very bright. I was known in Chicago to be a Seward man, and I therefore fear that I shall not be sent to the court of St. James, or even St. Louis[?], and I shall thus be unable to gratify your ambition to be my attache. Shame, shame upon you for being an office seeker under a republ. president, how does that agree with your radical anti-slavery notions. But, alas, such is human nature!
The Liberator you kindly promised to send me, I have not received, but I have read nevertheless all the [articles(?)] from it from May to about June 15th. I am pleased with your warfare against Mr. Lincoln for political reasons. Your attacks help him with the would be conservatives, alias cowards, but I regret the necessity for such a policy, and rejoice at the same time, that with you at least, your course is not a matter of policy. However, be that as it may, let us hope and work.
In the fourth of July last my body was travelling in Missouri over the Hannibal and [U.S. Jim R.B[???]], but my spirit was with you and yours in the grove at Framingham. So was I also with you on the first of August and on both occasions I regretted that there were so many women and children and so few men comparatively at your anti-slavery festivals. Are men less accessible to truth then women? or does our cause not commend itself to them? I would like to know your views on that subject.
How I wish to meet you again soon! I have so many questions to ask, so many things to tell you about Missouri and other politics, about my Mo. colonization scheme, in which I do not want to do anything now until after election, etc. etc. that I hardly know where to begin or when to end, and since I have to dwell upon one more subject to day to some length, I shall have to cut short all the rest.
The subject I just alluded to is the translation into english [sic] and the publication of Gustav Struve's "History of the World". You probably know Mr. Struve by name. He was the instigator and leader of the revolution in Baden in 1848, was for a long time imprisoned and then condemned to death, got clear of his oppressors in one way or other, and has been a citizen of New York and an active member of the progressive part of the German-american [sic] press for the last nine years. His history is quite romantic, and I shall take great pleasure at giving you some outline of it at some future day. He is a savant in the true sense of the word and I shall be delighted to have you become acquainted with him, when next you visit this city.
For 29 years he has gathered the material for his "history of the world", 12 years ago, and while in prison, he began to write it, 9 years have elapsed since the publishing began and it has been finished and brought down to May '60. The whole work embraces over 4000 pages (large octavo) closely printed and in small type, has been published in 62 numbers of 3 sheets or 64 pages each and sold for 25 cents per number. Mr. Struve published it himself against or rather in spite of all sorts of adversaries, and has sold over 5000 copies of the German edition. He has divided his history of the world as follows:
The tendency of this work I can probably name in a few words: This is the first "history of the world" written by a true republican and under a republican government, and therefore free from all prejudices, shackles and encumbrances, which despotism has heretofore attached to works of similar nature. It has been written with a view of giving the students clear insight into the gradual development of the human race and into the causes that have furthered or retarded that development, and is therefore for our future system of education of immense value. Many have been the offers made to Mr. Struve, for to translate his work into English, but the publishing of it bothereth him. He is too old and careworn, and has not sufficient means at present to undertake it himself, as he did the German edition, and justly considereth the common pittance of an author's fee an insufficient compensation for a 29 years labor. Besides this he fears, that if he has not partly at least the control of the publishing, that schools. libraries etc. would not be served at greatly reduced rates, as this is his programme, and as the whole work is so to say a realisation of Mr. Parker's efforts, we might possibly find in or even outside of Mr. Parker's congregation a few men, who would be willing to take 8 or 10 thousand Dollars stock in the enterprize [sic] and publish the english [sic] edition on shares. Mr. Struve would of course revise and superintend the translation and since, in my humble opinion as well as in the opinion of Helper and other friends of the cause with whom I have conversed on the subject, the prospect for a large sale are favorable, and since, as Mr. Struve knows from experience, the profits of publishing such a work are very large, I should be glad, if you take this matter a little into consideration and broach the subject to a few friends, who are men of means and enterprising. Need I say that Mr. Struve's is also a radical anti-slavery work? The name of Struve among Germans indicates: morality, human happiness, progress, need I say more? Do please to write to me fully on this subject, and if agreeable, I'll get Mr. Struve, to send you a copy of the work. I should also be highly pleased to learn the time when I might hope to meet you here again. Subject to what might turn up in my Mo. Colonization enterprize after the election, I have located here permanently at 98 East 22nd Str. betw. Lexington and 3rd Ave., and there of course you'll be at home, when you visit this City. May this find you and yours in good health and spirit, and may you for once in reply to this be a little communicative even by letter.
Yours sincerely
M Pinner
Box 2583 New York.
P.S.
You probably read in the Tribune of Mr. Struve's efforts in the Garibaldi affair. He is the President of the Committee for collecting aid for Italy.
If you are for the subscription plan named below, would you advise immediate action or postponement until after the election? Mr. Struve suggests to me just now the propriety of publishing the english edition of his "History of the world" on subscriptions, i.e. that each subscriber should pay for one copy $12 in advance. The whole work should probably cost between $13 and $15 per copy, and the first subscribers would thus gain a small discount, while the means to publish the work are being raised by their payment in advance. Please to give me your full view on this subject. Friend Helper has introduced Mr. Struve to the Harpers. They apparently like the work or rather the speculation in it, but also seem to smell a rat in its tendency. About this more anon.
M.P.