The original is at the Houghton Library of Harvard University. From the Blagden Collection of Wendell Phillips Papers: 10 letters from M. Pinner to Wendell Phillips, 1860-1873, bMS Am 1953 (1006) [item 2].
Transcribed and placed on the web: Nov., 2003.
By kind permission of the Houghton Library of Harvard University.
Chicago Ill. June 1, 1860.
Wendell Philips [sic] Esqr
Boston.
Dear Sir! Your favor of May 13th I received in due time, but as you supposed, too late to make use of the enclosed note to Mr. Pearce. The latter left shortly after the convention had adjourned, and although I made his acquaintance prior to it and although I found him of as liberal views as your represented him to me, I nevertheless could do but little with him, in as much as the Massachusetts as well as most all other delegations were ready for compromises, - and their votes plainly show it.
My 17 co-delegates from Missouri who originally mustered 12 Pro-Bates and 5 Repro-bates, had all changed into rabid Pro-Bates, and my humble self was the only black sheep in the flock. Under the arrangement of that honest politician and Republican Slaveholder Frank P. Blair Jr. the Missouri delegation wanted to assume the authority of the Mo. State Convention and to decide by a vote (which I have not the slightest doubt would have been unanimous), that my resignation tendered to our State Convention, and which that Convention did not see fit to act upon, was a bona fide resignation, and that in consequence thereof, the remaining 17 Mo delegates would have to fill the vacancy caused by my resignation. Against this high game I protested in pretty strong terms, but they left me with no other alternative, than to either remain in the delegation and vote with them as a unit for Bates, or be hoisted. By bringing my claims before the Convention or before the Committee on Credentials I could have secured my seat, but that sham resolution passed by our State Convention instructing us to vote as a unit and to recommend Madam Bates, would by the common usage have deprived me of my vote anyhow, and I therefore preferred to withdraw from our delegation altogether. I might have secured my seat by applying to the National Convention, but what would I have gained thereby? Answer: One half of a vote and no influence, since I knew beforehand, that a liberal sounding platform and liberal appearing Candidates was all that could possibly be gained of trading politicians, and that this would be gained anyhow, - to save the party.
Had I defended my claim before the National Convention, I would have been compelled by my self-respect and by my aversion to the Caucus and Convention system, to expose the packing and other sham proceedings in the Mo. delegation as well as in that of N.Y.-Va.-Texas-Maryland etc. etc., and although I might have stirred up the conscience of a few really well meaning delegates, I would on the other hand have enraged a large majority of the Nat. Conv. against me would have stabbed the party vitally and would have given to our common enemies a weapon, which they would surely have used with deadly effect against us.
The repub. party, if successful, would be the first avowedly anti-slavery party in the White House, and I promise myself some practical anti-slavery results from their success in spite of the conservatism. Homestead Bill, repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, admission of a number of new free states are in store for us, and I calculate besides upon the effect of a national condemnation of slavery from a moral point of view. Pray, don't scold at my being too confiding and at my trying to achieve within the party, what you would like to gain without their aid. Personally I would have preferred Mr. Seward, but the company he keeps I don't like half as well as that of Mr. Lincoln, and although the election of Mr. Seward would have cast consternation into the pro-slavery ranks and would have proved our great strength I nevertheless doubt whether we would have achieved a greater practical anti-slavery result than the election of Mr. Lincoln would secure. I felt sore at the nomination, when made, but have become reconciled to them since and being desirous of trying the republ. party fairly, before consigning it to an everlasting grave, I promised myself to assist in digging that grave, if after a four year administration the republ. party should have betrayed the truth reposed in it by the friends to freedom.
I sometimes think, that if I ought to have claimed my seat, of for nothing else, so as to have a chance to pitch into the Convention and Caucus systems, the bogus delegations, the Compromise policy etc. etc., and that it was wrong on my part not to do it, since it is never too soon to do right, but then pray, is not our whole life one continued compromise? From the cradle to the grave we compromise with the laws of nature by adding artificial to our natural wants and abide the consequences. In science and art, in physical as well as mental engagements we compromise between our real and supposed powers by building up theories and by experimenting in a thousand different ways, and so very often to our detriment. Your whole Anti-slavery crusade is nothing but a compromise and you have to do your preaching in Boston instead of Charleston as you would like to and as you ought to. And since compromises is the order of the day it only seems necessary to me, to guard myself as well as others against losing sight of our real object in view and against over- and underrating our chances of success. With Mr. Seward as well as well as with Mr. Lincoln we may hope for some practical anti-slavery success, and although I was opposed in 1858 to Mr. Lincoln's non-extension hubby, I nevertheless have become reconciled to him since his vindication of the fathers of this Republic in his speech at the Cooper Institute N.Y. Pray, what do you think of the Convention, platform and nominations??? So much for party politics and now for something else. Early this week, while at St. Louis I intended one morning to write to you, and to enquire whether you had any later and more favorable news from or about Mr. Parker, than I then had from the papers; but somehow or other I neglected to write. To my greatest regret I learned on the evening of the same day, that he had expired at Florence on the 11th ult. and that thereby one more good man had left us for ever. A strange isolation of the heart it causes, to see those, whose labors have either made us what we are, or had been directed into the same channels with our own, drop off this stage of life one by one. It reminds us constantly of our nothingness and of the fact, that although apparently the places we might vacate could not be filled again, the world itself remains unimpaired and the destiny of this creation unchanged. We are or seem to be nothing but so many tools in the hands of an unknown power, whose existence and consciousness are a mystery to us at last. - Yes , a great and good man has gone, and those, who knew him will mourn their loss. He has tried to purify the lives and ennoble the purposes of men and has well-earned the regards of the thousands, who prayed for his recovery. Villains may and do still slander, fools misjudge him, but his deeds will live, and those who have it in their power, ought to see to it, that the seed he has sown should germinate, and that the race of the Parkers should not die out. His pulpit should be sustained and his congregation should for ever be known by and be proud of his name, and only our best and noblest men should preach in his place. This would be the only monument fit for his genius, and I, who have differed from him in religious views, might be pardoned for suggesting it. Two years ago I heard several of his discourses, and with pleasure have I dwelt upon them often since. But he has left us, has passed from among us at least physically, -peace be to his ashes!-
I shall stay here another 3 or 4 weeks and should be very thankful, to receive a few lines from you before I leave this city. Towards the end of July I calculate to be in New York and shall shortly after probably go to Boston in behalf of my Mo. Colonization scheme, should I not take the stump for Lincoln and Hamlin, or "lick him and hang him" as the boys here cry. - A thousand blessings upon your head.
Your friend and obed. servt. M Pinner
Box 4456 Chicago Ill.